A Rare Discovery: Lankan Diplomat Emerges Using Strategic Communication

By Daya Gamage – Asian Tribune Media NoteWashington, D.C. 17 May (Asiantribune.com):

Sri Lanka’s ambassador to Belgium, Luxembourg and the European Union P.M. Amza displayed a very rare quality most of his nation’s foreign diplomatic corps members and the officials who handle ‘external affairs’ have so far failed to display awarding, since the Eelam War ended in May 2009, great advantage to pro-separatist Tamil Diaspora to define the character of this South Asian nation before the International Community.

The result: Sri Lanka is currently facing undue scrutiny and an image issue utterly failing to combat the misinterpretation, diabolical falsehood and half-truths very strategically and politically motivated by the section and somewhat influential Tamil Diaspora.

Ambassador Amza displayed a very rare prowess that handlers of Sri Lanka’s ‘external affairs’ does not have and never had since the annihilation of the terrorist Tamil Tigers.

During his intervention at the end of a panel discussion that followed the screening of the film “No Fire Zone: The Killing Fields of Sri Lanka”, held at the premises of the European Parliament on Tuesday, 14 May, which was jointly organized by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and International Crisis Group, Ambassador P.M. Amza very eloquently described using his Tamil language skills the serious mistakes the producers of the documentary made by misinterpreting what the witnesses have said in Tamil, to suit the Channel 4 agenda.

The cogent interpretation that Mr. Anza, a veteran career diplomat, presented, to the knowledge of the Asian Tribune which constantly monitor Sri Lanka’s failure in public affairs, public diplomacy and strategic communication in battling the onslaught to her image, has not seen coming from the handlers of ‘external affairs’ in this South Asian nation.

Ambassador Amza elaborated that when a question was posed in English to an unidentified victim regarding an alleged attack on a hospital by asking “do you think this was an accident?” the answer from the victim in Tamil was, “Athavathu aspaththirikku aim panniththan adichchiruppinam” which literally means “they may have aimed and attacked the hospital”.

The Ambassador contended the Channel-4 of translating it as “the hospital was targeted”, giving implication to the viewers that it was done by the Sri Lanka Army. In this context, the Ambassador questioned the Director/Producer, Callum Macrae who was present as one of the Panelists, on what basis he gave an interpretation to what the witness referred to as “they”, to indicate that it was the Sri Lanka Army.

Pointing out to a similar mistake in the subsequent Channel-4 Documentary, “Sri Lanka Killing Fields: War Crime Unpunished”, during which an unidentified witness makes a statement in Tamil saying “Enkalidamirunthu 150 meeter irukkum 15 perukku melai kayakkarnkal ippadi bankarukkulliruntha ellorayum veliyil iluththu iluthu pottu suttukkondu waran”which provides literal translation as “the distance may be about 150 meters from us. More than 15 injured civilians were inside the bunker when they pulled them out one by one and fired”.

Mr. Amza said the Channel-4 took the liberty of translating it to mean “as I got up from the bunker, about 150 meters away from where I saw a group of Army soldiers pulling out over 15 civilians staying in a bunker and spraying bullets on them at close range”.

The Ambassador emphasized that at no stage, the witness stated that it was Sri Lankan Army that was pulling the civilians out from the bunkers and killing them. The Ambassador also pointed out that anyone with a sound knowledge of the Tamil language would identify them as serious mistakes and misinterpretations and manipulations done to suit the Channel-4 agenda. As the civilians’ statements constitute important evidence in any conflict, tampering them to give a completely false view, is a matter of serious concern, he said.

Until Ambassador Amza used his analytical skills to interpret very cogently the ‘grave mistakes’ the documentary committed – which had targeted motive – one cannot remember anyone with equal talent explaining the documentary to US State Department officials and its diplomatic corps based in Colombo.
This writer had had up close and personal knowledge how the Colombo Mission would go into detailed scrutiny when issues are brought before them.

For the International Community – meaning the leading western nations – to go this far talking of Sri Lanka’s ‘accountability’ in international forums, one gets the impression that such an argument and analyses were not presented the manner in which Ambassador Amza forwarded to the European Union on May 14.

At international forums Amza-type analyses was necessary while declaring that an investigation was underway to probe the allegations.

The Ambassador also refuted allegations on the killing of a 12 year old boy identified as the son of the LTTE leader. Mr. Amza, while casting doubts on Channel-4 making sweeping conclusions based on few pictures depicting a man clad in a uniform similar to Sri Lanka Army personnel, a clean and neat bunker, a man in slippers, and an ‘expert opinion’ based on the pictures given to him that the boy was captured by the Army who then fed him a snack then killed him at point blank range, questioned as to why the ‘expert opinion’ disregarded the possibility of him being killed by his own bodyguards, to avoid being captured by the Sri Lankan Armed forces.

The Ambassador added that, as a native Tamil speaker, he could provide ample evidence to prove that Channel-4 indeed had a sinister motive to discredit Sri Lanka with the connivance of the pro-LTTE Diaspora organizations, and further alluded that it was ironical to see how one time ardent supporters of the LTTE and its killing spree through funding and other propaganda activities are now projecting themselves as independent human rights activists, having been oblivious to the countless human rights violations carried out by the LTTE”.

This writer who has associated himself with public diplomacy and strategic communication was delighted the manner in which Ambassador Anza analyzed the documentary using one of the indigenous Sri Lankan dialect – Tamil – as the basis of the science of communication.

Strategic Communication: The Case for a New Vision

While “all politics is local”, all communication is now global. Gaps between what Sri Lanka says and does – and gaps between what it says and what others hear – have strategic consequences. These “say-do” and “say-hear” gaps affect Sri Lanka’s interests in ways that can be measured in lives, foreign assistance, goodwill and lost opportunities. And if Sri Lanka, as a nation, continues to underestimate them it is obviously for its disadvantage.

The Defense Science Board Task Force of the U.S. Department of Defense describes strategic communication as a vital element to America’s national security and foreign policy.

The developed principles can be used by a country like Sri Lanka which faces an influential, well funded and well motivated secessionist elements among the Tamil Diaspora threatening its very existence as a unitary state can be adapted to its own national security and foreign policy.

Although recent attention to its value is driven by the terrorist attacks of 9/11, strategic communication describes a variety of instruments used by governments for generations to understand global attitudes and cultures, engage in a dialogue of ideas between people and institutions, advise policymakers, diplomats, and military leaders on the public opinion implications of policy choices, and influence attitudes and behavior through communications strategies.

Strategic communication can help to shape context and build relationships that enhance the achievement of political, economic, and military objectives. It can be used to mobilize publics in support of major policy initiatives – and to support objectives before, during, and after a conflict. In fact, Sri Lanka is now entered a stage of safeguarding its sovereignty, integrity and the unitary nature of the state not forgetting its global image. To be effective, strategic communicators must understand attitudes and cultures, respect the importance of ideas, adopt advanced information technologies, and employ sophisticated communication skills and strategies. To be persuasive, they must be credible.

Policies, diplomacy, military operations, and strategic communication should not be managed separately. Good strategic communication cannot build support for policies viewed unfavorably by large populations. Nor can the most carefully crafted messages, themes, and words persuade when the messenger lacks credibility and underlying message authority.

Strategic communication can be understood to embrace the following core instruments described by the United States.

Public diplomacy seeks through the exchange of people and ideas to build lasting relationships and receptivity to a nation’s culture, values, and policies. It seeks also to influence attitudes and mobilize publics in ways that support policies and interests. Its time horizons are decades and news cycles. Public diplomacy is distinguished from traditional diplomatic interactions between governments. In an age of global media, the Internet revolution, and powerful non state actors — an age in which almost everything governments do and say is understood through the mediating filters of news frames, culture, memory, and language — no major strategy, policy, or diplomatic initiative can succeed without public support.

Public affairs is used by the Departments of State and Defense to depict communication activities intended primarily to inform and influence U.S. media and the American people. The White House, the NSC, departments and agencies, and military commands all have public affairs staffs. They focus on domestic media, but their advocacy activities reach allies and adversaries around the world. Distinctions between public affairs and public diplomacy continue to shape doctrine, resource allocations, and organization charts. But public diplomacy and public affairs practitioners employ similar tools and methods; their audiences are global and local. This conceptual distinction is losing validity in the world of global media, global audiences, and porous borders.

It is not difficult to adopt some of the above principles to fit in to Sri Lanka’s overall strategy at a time when it globally faces a enormous task of safeguarding its image, neutralizing the onslaughts of power centers and exploring ways to bring an end to the cohabitation of the pro-separatist Tamil Diaspora from the global centers of power.

Strategic Communication has been developed and described as the orchestration and/or synchronization of actions, images, and words to achieve a desired effect.

Ambassador Amza took a giant step forward on May 14 at the European Union forum toward that end.

A People Without a Story

By AATISH TASEER (NY Times Opinion Pages)

FOUR years ago this week, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam announced that their struggle for an independent homeland in northern Sri Lanka had “reached its bitter end.” The group had been fighting on behalf of the Tamil people for more than a quarter-century, and its defeat was absolute.

Today, great sections of Tamil country are still a scene of devastation. The houses are either destroyed or brand-new; the land is uncultivated and overgrown; there are forests of decapitated Palmyra palms, damaged by heavy shelling. And then there are the relics of war — graveyards of L.T.T.E. vehicles rotting in the open air; the remains of a ship, its superstructure blown to pieces and in whose rusting starboard a gaping hole gives on to blue sea.

When I first arrived there last March, I saw the loss in primarily military terms. But the feeling of defeat among the Tamils of Sri Lanka goes far deeper than the material defeat of the rebels. It is a moral and psychological defeat. In that forested country of red earth and lagoons, it is possible to visit the bunker of the leader of the Tigers, a torture chamber of a place that sinks three levels into the ground. There, in the fetid air, infused with the smell of urine and bat excrement, one senses the full futility and wretchedness of what the rebel movement became in the end. For the truth is that the Tamil defeat has less to do with the vanquishing of the L.T.T.E. by the Sri Lankan Army and much more to do with the self-wounding (“suicidal” would not be too strong a word) character of the movement itself. The Tigers were for so long the custodians of the Tamil people’s hope of self-realization. But theirs was a deeply flawed organization. Under the leadership of Velupillai Prabhakaran, the Tigers pioneered and perfected the use of the suicide bomber. This was not simply a mode of warfare, but almost a symbol, an expression of a self-annihilating spirit. And it was to self-annihilation that Mr. Prabhakaran committed the Tamils. He was a man who, like a modern-day Coriolanus, seemed to lack the imagination for peace. He took the Tamils on a journey of war without end, where no offer of compromise was ever enough, and where all forms of moderation were seen as betrayal.

One evening, soon after I arrived in Jaffna, the capital of the northern province, I had dinner at the house of a woman whose sister had been part of a circle of academics who had published a book in 1990 called “The Broken Palmyra.” The book was, by no means, a simple polemic against the Tigers; it was an academic work that, in trying to be evenhanded, had taken account of both government and L.T.T.E. atrocities. But this was too treasonous for Mr. Prabhakaran, and my host’s sister was killed even before the book went to print.

The room that night was filled with people whose lives the tyranny of the L.T.T.E. had left forever scarred. There was the Muslim woman who, along with all the other Muslim families of Jaffna, had, one morning in 1990, been summoned to a school compound and given two hours to leave the city of her birth. They were told to leave behind their valuables and the deeds to their houses. When they asked why they were being expelled, they were told that they were lucky not to be killed. Then they were loaded into lorries and escorted to the border of the district. (Like most, this woman returned only after the end of the war in 2009.)

A middle-aged woman, working as a maid in the house, had more recent traumas. Her son had gone to work with his uncle, a carpenter, in the northern district of Kilinochchi, which would become the scene of an infamous battle. When war came, it was Mr. Prabhakaran’s express strategy to retreat with an enormous civilian population — 300,000 people, some say — and to use them as a human shield against the advancing army. It was his intention to let so many Tamils die that the international community (read, the West) would be forced to intervene, and the Tamils would be granted their homeland. But here he made a grave mistake: he either overestimated his own importance; or else, the West’s sense of decency. For the West, occupied with problems more pressing, let as many Tamils die as had to die for the war to be won. This was an added layer of shame in the Tamil defeat. It was not just that they had lost the war. It was also that the grass-roots movement they originated, and for which they had paid taxes and sacrificed able-bodied men and women, had, in the end, been more vicious to them than to anyone else. When I asked what became of the woman’s son, she replied that he had not come home. “He’s dead,” my hostess clarified, “but she doesn’t like to hear that.”

The north of Sri Lanka today is a spectacle of Sinhalese triumphalism. A victorious army is rebuilding new roads, grabbing land for itself (6,000 acres, rumor has it), and displaying the spoils of war before tourists from the south. Even when the government of President Mahinda Rajapaksa acts magnanimously toward the Tamil people, by building new infrastructure projects, for instance, the Tamils seem to feel that their defeat is being rubbed in their faces. And they are not wrong. It is simply one of those intractable situations where nothing will feel right. For the loss the Tamils feel is really the loss of a story. They are now a people without a story, a traumatized people, devastated by decades of war and migration, whose dream of self-determination was hijacked by the nihilistic vision of their leader and turned to nightmare. “We lost something,” a Tamil artist in Jaffna, T. Shanaathanan, told me, “but we do not know what. The war is over, but there is a kind of psychological warfare now. Before, people looked at us with suspicion, with the feeling that you’re Tamil, you might be a terrorist. But now they look at us as if we’re nothing.”

Aatish Taseer is the author of the memoir “Stranger to History: A Son’s Journey Through Islamic Lands” and the novel “Noon.”

The Nation Waits for Closure

Posted on May 5th, 2013 (The Nation)

Nimal Fernando

The nation waits for closure. Stepping back … and looking at the larger picture, it could be argued that this has been some decades in coming …. It could be argued, also, that Sri Lanka is closer than ever before, at this moment in time, to this long-elusive goal.

History tells us that such ‘moments in time’ for so many nations around the world, have not lasted long. Which is why time is of the essence for Sri Lanka to finally put the ethnic issue behind it. Doing so will decidedly demand an end to false starts and half-measures; appeasements and political expediency; tolerance of extremists anywhere; and shameful winks and nods to foreign interests.

It is easy to imagine that many Sri Lankan hearts — not Sinhalese, Tamil, Moor, Burgher or other hearts–but Sri Lankan hearts, must necessarily sink every time that larger picture is looked at. Because, among so many other elements, what it shows is how some well-meaning prime ministers and presidents tried half-hearted experiments; kept searching for misplaced political will; let themselves be held hostage by chauvinist elements.

In the final analysis, the only reckoner is political will. And fortunately for Sri Lanka, that same political will that others lacked, seems to be in ample supply among the Brothers Rajapaksa — especially the president and the Defence Secretary.

A report in Lankaweb bears ample testimony to this. A part of this report went thus: [A foreign correspondent, who interviewed Gotabhaya very aggressively today, asked him why Sinhalese are settling down in predominantly Tamil areas, to which Gotabhaya reacted very appropriately and told him that any citizen can buy property and settle down anywhere in the country he wants. He then pointed out to him that many years ago, there were no Tamils in the Hambantota area but now there are. So why cannot there be Sinhalese in the North, to which the correspondent had no answer.

MR has said officially that the LTTE, which failed to achieve its goal militarily, is now trying to achieve the same goal through different means. The fact that MR has realized that is in itself an assurance to the majority Sinhalese that constitute 75% of the nation. On the question of national security and respect for sovereignty, both MR and Gota have scored very heavy points. Now couple that with what MR had to say through his secretary about the part that India played in her conspiracy against Sri Lanka at a recent book-launching ceremony. The result has been that we have received no more insults from India and they have stopped ordering us to take the initial step that will lead to the partitioning of the country. The government has scored heavily on these points.]

It is abundantly clear that the path to an enduring solution, to lasting peace and sustained development, lies in inclusion, not in any measure that sets the minority apart as the ‘other’. Such inclusion also demands that in being part of the mainstream — while being able to celebrate their ethnicity, language and traditions — Sri Lankan Tamils are never made to feel like the ‘other’. That a level playing field delivers equal opportunity; security, rights, an open market and everything else a citizen is guaranteed under the Constitution.

That is the ideal social setting in which the majority too, will not feel that its rights have been compromised in addressing any ‘grievances’ of the minority. Let’s get serious here: since we’re talking about the will of the majority in a democracy, surely all those democrats out there, particularly in ‘influential’ parts of the planet, will not deny Sri Lanka’s majority its demand for the preservation of the nation’s territorial integrity and freedom of choice in all aspects of life, again, under a democratic Constitution?

In such a situation of normalcy, it is hard to visualize fertile ground for the sustenance of extremist elements anywhere.Getting there in the near-term calls for a national chorus of Sri Lankan voices — from village-level organizations and faith-based groups, to trade unions and focus groups representative of the intelligentsia — urging this government to do what needs to be done.

As Sri Lankans across the board have made clear, particularly in recent years: this nation will never tolerate orders or intimidation by India or any other nation that fancies itself in a position to do so; certainly not in a setting of new global realities. 
This nation is eminently capable of solving its internal issues to the satisfaction of all its people. And for the benefit of any simple minds that cannot still get it, all includes the majority Sinhalese … The nation waits for closure.

Tamil Diaspora Influence in US Policy Oversights on Sri Lanka

Daya Gamage – An Asian Tribune Analysis

One need not be a political scientist or a legal luminary to comprehend, if one keenly peruses – with an investigative mind – the events that unfolded since the military defeat of the separatist Tamil Tiger or LTTE brutal and lethal force in May 2009 and the internationalization of Sri Lanka’s domestic issues, the emergence of Tiger leader Prabhaharan’s overseas collateral political/diplomatic wing helped set the terms of debate on Sri Lankan issues

In fact, the pro-separatist Tamil Diaspora very carefully selected issues – issues that Sri Lanka at the outset considered to be too insignificant – to put items on the country’s agenda. A careful assessment further reveals that the professional arm of the Tamil Diaspora – who emotionally reacted to the demise of the Tamil Tiger leadership – was so focused that they became a source of information and analysis that provided a great deal of information and data to the United States Department of State officials, Members of the Congress, and their supportive staff, and non-governmental organizations largely shaping their general perspective.

When early signs were emerging the transfer of Prabhaharan’s lifelong dream of a separate Tamil nation in the north-east part of Sri Lanka to this overseas collateral movement – franchised in Washington, New York, Los Angeles, London, Paris, Bonn, Canberra, Ottawa etc – a State Department official whom I knew during my days in that ‘encampment’ noted that their emotions were running riot because the civil war in Sri Lanka involved their kith and kin and that emotion and rage was now slowly and steadily being transformed into political action. Sri Lanka failed to understand this sentiments, and that sentiment has gone a long way to what’s going on at present.

Most of the information, data and analyses provided to global forums were largely distortions, misinterpretations, exaggerations of Sri Lanka issues leading to lies, half truths, diabolical falsehood that went unchallenged in the first 48 months since the annihilation of the LTTE by those who handled foreign affairs for Sri Lanka. Or, the handlers thought less of the capability of the principal players of Prabhaharan’s global collateral arm.

Separatist Tamil Diaspora global collateral arm which consisted of franchises in Western cities was fully aware that when issues promoted by it are priorities, and are in line with the American administration, the Diaspora activists have a greater influence in the U.S. policy oversights.

All the issues in the aftermath of Prabhaharan’s death centered on Tamil grievances and rights, a perspective well developed within the portals of the American diplomatic mission in Colombo in the eighties and the first half of the nineties to consolidate policy planks to which this writer had up-close and personal knowledge. The pro-separatist Tamil Diaspora commenced the Eelam ‘War’ V with this advantage to which the policymakers in Sri Lanka had only a scant knowledge.

A careful study shows that the major reason for a considerable success of the Tamil Diaspora in later years which reflected in anti-Sri Lanka resolutions in both chambers of the U.S. Congress, a series of letters initiated by influential Members of the Congress to Obama administration officials highlighting alleged violation of international humanitarian law (IHL) and international human rights law (IHRL), the pugnacious stance the global rights groups adopted and anti-Sri Lanka fervor emanated in House and Senate hearings in Washington is nothing but the Diaspora understanding of American democratic values and (US) strategic interests.

Another factor of the durability of Tamil Diaspora-American discourse in the U.S and their success in resuscitating and appropriating ethnic identities is greatly influenced by the U.S. administration’s view of the administration in Sri Lanka.

Whether Sri Lanka inadvertently provided fodder to the ‘collateral wing and to its franchises’ to strengthen this discourse is another issue altogether.

Thomas Ambrosio, Assistant Professor of Political Science, North Dakota State University in a submission on the issue of Diaspora communities and their influence on U.S. foreign policy stated that when one seeks to understand Diaspora groups and their influence on U.S. foreign policy, the question is not should ethnic groups influence foreign policy but how they affect foreign policy, what are their goals and why do they mobilize.

Had those questions been addressed one would have, to some extent, understood the strategy and maneuvering of Prabhaharan’s collateral political/diplomatic wing and its franchises to initially shape Sri Lanka’s foreign policy approaches to the emerging issues since May 2009.

Our most recent experience has clearly shown that the Tamil Diaspora lobby sought to influence U.S. policy in three ways. The collateral political/diplomatic wing of the now demised LTTE used these three strategies seeking influence in the State Department and both arms of the Congress. They used those in other European capitals too.

First, by framing the issues “that help set the terms of debate” or “put items on the country’s agenda.”

Second, they are a source of information and analysis that provide a great deal of information to members of Congress and serve as a resource for other branches of government and non-governmental organizations, and shaping general perspectives.

Finally, unceasing lobbying campaigns providing policy oversight.

These are all diplomatic overtures Sri Lanka’s foreign relations/policy arm should have perused. It is the failure in this vital areas that led to the out sourcing of foreign policy/relation overtures to lobbying firms?

There is no mistake in using lobbying firms for certain limited objectives such as the manner in which Dr. Jeyerajah-led US Tamil Political Action Council used the Washington lobbying firm KSCW Inc. to successfully table an anti-Sri Lanka Resolution 177 in the US House with 53 signatures which included influential and prominent House Members in 2012 vastly enhancing the ‘voice’ of the pro-separatist Tamil Diaspora. The records showed that the USTPAC invested US$30,000 to get three reports on ‘specific issues’ besides successfully tabling the H.RES. 177.

A close scrutiny shows that the Tamil Diaspora ability to advance the message was their understanding that the message resonated with the American values and ideals. When issues were promoted by the collateral political/diplomatic wing of the LTTE they strategically placed them in line with the U.S. administration thus having the greatest influence in policy oversights.

A major reason for some success of Tamil Diaspora in affecting U.S. diplomacy vis-a-vis Sri Lanka government is the nature of Amer¬ican politics and especially the power of the individual Congress member–which makes a unitary foreign policy unlikely.

The handlers of the overseas collateral political/diplomatic wing of Tamil Tigers and its franchises have well understood this scenario when engaging in lobbying activities.

Certainly, in recent years the U.S. government is more disposed to hear concerns of ethnic Americans who endeavor to influence American diplomacy toward their country of origin if and when they promote democracy and human rights.

The U.S.-based Tamil Diaspora maneuvered well within these American parameters.

Then the question arose as to how the American polity looked at the US-based Tamil Diaspora claim that it represents broader public interest of the ethnic Tamil minority in Sri Lanka. The representatives of the Tamil Diaspora who envisaged to engage in advocacy and diplomacy since the military defeat of the LTTE in May 2009 obviously faced issues of representation and legitimacy. The American polity and its decision makers faced when confronted with Tamil Diaspora advocates “Who are these people and whom do they represent?”

The strategy and maneuver the Tamil Diaspora adopted to get the ear of the American polity was to be seen as the sole advocate of Sri Lanka Tamil issues limiting Sri Lanka authorities’ ability to speak for them and eventually hold the hegemony on Sri Lanka Tamil issues. The pro-separatist advocates of the Tamil Diaspora in the United States benefited largely from the perspectives (or mind-set) the American foreign service officers (FSOs) developed between early eighties through mid-nineties within the portals of their Colombo Mission in Colombo on issues that confronted the 12% ethnic Tamil minorities in Sri Lanka. An alternative views did not successfully reach the FSOs to have a broader understanding of Sri Lanka issues as a whole. The Federal Party and Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) discourse with American FSOs greatly contributed to the American ‘perspectives’ which have had larger impact when Tamil advocates faced the post-Prabhaharan era.

The advocates of the Tamil Diaspora which espouses an independent/separate nation in the north/east part of that country has well understood how the American system works to cater to the sentiments of the State Department officials and Obama White House advisors who have entertained that Sri Lanka has serious human rights, governance and rule of law issues that warrant a drastic change in its body politic. The State Department envisages transparency and accountability on the one hand influenced by many factors one of which is its close rapport with the Tamil Diaspora to which the State Department has tied the ‘credibility’ tag, and reconciliation among ethnic groups in Sri Lanka, one of the not so serious agenda items pushed by the Tamil Diaspora when in conversations with American officials in Washington as its final objective was an independent/separate state.

The foreign policy handlers in Sri Lanka have let the advocates of the Tamil Diaspora dominate an issue that should have been within the perimeters of Sri Lanka’s domestic agenda, allowed Prabhaharan’s overseas collateral political/diplomatic wing and its worldwide franchises to influence U.S. policy oversights that has led the American administration to place policy directives before the Government of Sri Lanka (often such policy statements giving the impression that Ambassador Michele Sison acts like the ‘Governor’ of Sri Lanka) and allow the Tamil Diaspora advocates to successfully make the American officials understand “Who are these people and whom do they represent?”

It is this scenario that one could sense the frustration that has developed in defense secretary Colonel Gothabhaya Rajapaksa in penetrating the area of foreign policy cum domestic issues at a time the External Affairs Ministry has exhibited its inability to develop a strategy to break the unsavory ‘discourse’ between the Tamil proponents of a separate state in Sri Lanka and the American polity (not forgetting the EU branch). It is also under these circumstances that Colonel Rajapaksa, despite being a public official who is prohibited by the Establishment Code to express opinion that are only confined to lawmakers and politicians, air his frustration though many pronouncements touching foreign policy, foreign relations and connected domestic issues such as devolution of political and administrative power to peripheral provinces.

Ambassador Sison’s not so distant statement that Sri Lanka may face a situation “Beyond” the UNHRC prompted defense secretary to feel that she is acting like the ‘Governor’ of Sri Lanka.

The question that comes to one’s mind to ask handlers of Sri Lanka’s foreign affairs and relations is: “Who are these people and whom do they represent?”

- Asian Tribune -

A Trip to Jaffna – a Travelogue of a Difference

By Shani Calyaneratne – Karunaratne

 This is a story of a trip to Jaffna – a travelogue of a difference. The writer visited Jaffna for the first time to participate in a birthday celebrations of a friend Dr. N.Sivarajah, an important personality, well respected and honored. She narrates her experiences – which is something different.Dr. N. Sivarajah, an illustrious son of Sri Lanka is the Consultant /co-ordinator to the WHO office in Jaffna. He is an old boy of Ananda College Colombo and graduated from the University of Ceylon, faculty of Medicine.

He had a distinguished career, but remains quiet, dignified and a true son of multi ethnic multi religious Sri Lanka. He is the eldest of 7 children to his parents.

I address Dr. Sivarajah as ‘Aiya,’ as he is the eldest brother of my good friend N. Sriskandarajah who lives in Oslo, Norway. In Sinhala language ‘Aiya’ is ‘Older Brother’ and in Tamil it is ‘Gentleman’. Both suit him well and he is one very much loved and admired.

Last 12th of April 2013, we had the birthday celebration of this unassuming great guy. Organizing a birthday was not a thing that was likened by Dr. Sivarajah. It was his siblings, the two daughters and Mrs. Sivarajah who quietly made arrangements and virtually took him by surprise!

His latest publication is ‘Health in Wartime North of Sri Lanka,’ – a collection of his essays and speeches, compiled and edited by his brother N. Selvarajah and daughter Kalpana Chandrasekar. It was published by Ayothy Library Service, Kumaran Book House, (ISBN 978-955-659-384-6), and is a book that might interest the general readers, as well as scholars. It is sold for £15 in the UK and available worldwide.

In fact, one day, not so in the distant future, researchers and students studying Community Medicine, Anthropology or Sociology will refer this book in similar intensity as that of Edmond R Leachs’ /Pul Eliya, a Village in Ceylon: A Study of Land Tenure and Kinship.

Dr. Sivarajah runs an orphanage for disabled girls in his spare time, in a small facility next to his house.Funding comes from his family and friends. This is a nonprofit organization. Girls are taught to sew and they take orders to supplement their expenditures. I went there to see it all and found their determination to survive, bringing tears on ones’ eyes.

Going to Jaffna by’ Avro’ bus was an interesting experience. Those who opt to fly, in fact, don’t know what they are missing! Bus is better as it goes through towns, villages, and jungle lands on both side of the road – a different travel experience. I recommend anyone who generally opts to fly – bus travel.

I was the sole Sinhalese in that bus, all others were Tamils, and they made my journey interesting and went out of their way to make me feel welcome, kept on offering me food and water – that was indeed the beauty of Jaffna hospitality, which touched my heart.

I stayed with my friend Wasantha Gemma James at her house (recently retrieved from intruders, repaired and refurbished) near the former rail crossing on the Temple Road, located in the heart of Jaffna city.

Wasantha went to France in 1978 and now only she managed to retrieve her parents’ house. In fact, I heard that many houses were occupied by all kinds of people and it was difficult  trying to get rid of them – illegal occupants.

Wasantha who has been away for well over 30 years, was also a visitor to Jaffna as much as I was. So we learnt by experience. We made Kiribath and fed Wasantha’s visitors, her long lost relatives. I was so happy that they enjoyed it. They called it ‘Sinhala paal soru’ – ‘Sinhalese milk rice’. They were all in the kitchen watching me cook, asking questions in Tamil and me answering in Sinhala language.

Roads were perfectly renovated, paved and laid, markets were thriving and the beaches clean and beautiful.

I went with my friend to the famous Nallur Kandasamy Temple. Took glimpses of few churches and worshipped at the Nagadeepa and the Shiva Temple at Naga Deepa islet. The Sri Lanka Navy very graciously helped us with boat to the islet. We being vegetarian, Nelli drink, fruit juices and vegetarian cookies were available for us without any problem. In case if we didn’t cook at our friend’s house on some day, we had our meals at the Mango Vegetarian Restaurant. It is on Temple Road itself. Do not miss it as they make the world’s best’ Rasam’.

Going to the market was also a very nice experience. The vegetables and fruits were cheaper than in Colombo. Grapes are a bit tart, but I would not call it ‘sour’ grapes. Do not miss visiting the famous Rio Ice Cream parlor.

You can sit inside in the air conditioned ice cream parlor and have a go at it. Remember to skip two three meals afterwards to prevent weight gain, as the ice cream was sweeter than any other ice cream sold in Sri Lanka. They do not make sorbets and all ice cream were milk based.

 If you go for Sari shopping, check them on the Power House Road. I found a very nice Sari Shop called – ‘Irajeswary’. The owner and the staff were courteous and helpful.

For a first time traveler, or a person going after a long absence, there can be some pitfalls. I have, by bitter experience made some Rules of thumb.

Rule number 1: Do not start to dole out money. We learnt the hard way, there was a never ending line of people in front of the house and they will not leave without any handouts. They demand more and more.

Rule number 2: Ladies with smiling faces like mine and eye contact can be misunderstood by men. One has to be direct in speech and if you do not say, ‘No”, people will literary carry your furniture out. This did happen to us. The gas cooker that we were using, a guy who volunteered to help, carried it away one morning right in front of us. In an instance like this, confrontation seems futile and all one could do is to prevent it happening the next time.

Rule number 3: Keep the gate closed to prevent tresspassers. If you can’t do these, stay in a hotel where there is security and order. The saris I took to Jaffna, were admired by village ladies, so I quietly gave one to a lady. They were given in friendship and in sisterhood and as much as I was happy to give, they were also happy to receive. It was something like sisters exchanging clothes.

This girl invited me to her house too, and when I went, she ran to make tea for me and was looking for things to give me to take home. She gave ‘kottakilangu; , Thulasi (Basil) seeds to plant, nelli drink because I did not want tea. They practiced Sinhala words and were happy when we understood the Tamil that was spoken. I was so touched and humbled by this experience.

I took so many photos and they were happy to pose. (If you have nice saris worn for wedding and parties that are in good condition, take them to Jaffna and you can make another lady happy by giving. You can donate new material to the disabled girls’ orphanage and they will make clothes out of the materials and sell them to supplement their orphanage upkeep expenses.)

Roads are repaired, bridges built, public transport is functioning, and rail track is already laid up to Paranthan.

And there is hope for reconciliation and peace. Through friendship and dialogue the country unites. The value of peace is immeasurable. I hope our beautiful country stay that way. We all should pray to remain united forever.

- Asian Tribune -

 

Destitute N-E children Get Equal Opportunities

By P. Krishnaswamy

The most tragic aspect of the LTTE’s long drawn out terrorism was that it had rendered thousands of budding, innocent children fatherless, motherless and homeless, reducing them to utter destitution with nowhere to go. According to reports of the Department of Probation and Child Care Services (DPCCS),the largest number of such children were recorded in the worst-terrorism-ravaged Northern province where the entire population remained displaced for years together, either confined to refugee camps or moving to and living in other Southern provinces.

The security forces, after defeating the LTTE in May 2009, found children in various illegal homes run by the LTTE, including in the “Chencholai” home.

The LTTE, while fleeing, had abandoned the children. Consequently the DPCCS and other government authorities took steps take care of the children and have them admitted either in state-run children’s homes or homes run by religious organisations.

The DPCCS Northern Province, with its head office in Jaffna, is under the purview of the Northern Provincial Council and is the key government department in the province with the mandate of protecting children who need care and protection. Prior to the final conflict the Department handled a fair number of cases in respect of children’s home admissions, child abuse, child offenders and so on.

The number of cases drastically increased since the final battle and the cases in the post-conflict period were highly-complicated, time consuming and required high technical skills for the probation officers to handle the cases in the prevailing sensitive environment.

The mission of the Probation Department is to provide equal opportunities to the destitute children, victims of abuse and children in conflict with the law, while promoting and preserving their rights and also helping in the implementation and enforcement of national policies. The ultimate objective is to protect and support and help in the maintenance of the affected children, DPCCS sources said.

The responsibility of protecting the children from sex perverts, other kinds of exploiters and mischievous propaganda as well as facing court cases and closely monitoring every administration of the homes rests with the DPCCS, according to authoritative sources.

The functions of the Department include monitoring and regulating Children’s Homes, admission of destitute children to Children’s Homes, extending support for the due functioning of Day Care Centers, reunification of children with their own or extended families, processing and providing “Fit Person Orders’ through the court, adoption of children with appropriate families through the court, family tracing and reunification of children separated from families, coordination of all child protection stake holders and other activities such as advocating for the best interest of the children, the sources said.

The orphaned children are housed in Voluntary Children’s Homes (VCH) and in state-run homes. Of the VCH there are many that have not been registered and the Probation Department which had been persuading for the registration of the unregistered homes had closed down some of them after evaluation and had clustered some with others.

At the beginning of 2011, there were a total of 54 registered children’s homes in the Northern province with a total of 2,125 children (838 male children and 1,287 female children). The district-wise break up is 27 in Jaffna, six in Kilinochchi, six in Mullaitivu, five in Vavuniya and 10 in Mannar. The number of unregistered Children’s Homes in the province were 26 housing a total of 812 children (228 female children and 584 male children). The number of registered and unregistered homes together were 80, housing a total of 2,937 children.

The number of homes in the five districts of the Northern province and the number of children in them have declined by 40 percent with a considerable number of the children having been reunited with their families, extended families or other relatives through the hard and persistent efforts of the officials of the Probation Department officials, according to Northern Province Commissioner for Probation and Child Care and Services Thangavadivel Uma.

Every case of reunification with the family or others have to go through the usual judicial process. The number of children’s homes in the Vavuniya district is 16 with a total of 170 boys and 380 girls housed in them.

The number of homes in the Jaffna district is 29 with 348 boys and 776 girls housed in them.The number of homes in the Mullaitivu district is four with 86 boys and 112 girls, the number of homes in the Kilinochchi district is six and the number in the Mannar district is seven with 112 boys and 168 girls housed in them. According to a survey,18 percent of the children are orphans who neither have their mother nor father, 15 percent belong to the category” parental status is not known”, 14 percent have only the father, 23 percent have only the mother and 30 percent have both parents.

The reason why the parental status of the 15 percent children is not known or to be established is because a majority of them were in children’s homes then run by the LTTE who had admitted very small children who knew nothing about their parents or relatives.

About seven percent of the children belong to the under six age group, 18 percent belong to the 6-10 age group, 44 percent belong to the 11 – 16 age group, 18 percent belong to the 16 – 18 age group and 13 percent belong to the above 18 age group. Some of the women in the age group of 40 – 55 presently engaged by the children’s home administrations to look after the children are unmarried and were engaged for similar services by the LTTE in their children’s homes such as the ‘Chencholai’. All children of school-going age are attending schools and private-tuitions are also being provided by benevolent teachers employed in government schools. Some homes run by religious institutions had given girls in marriage marriage to suitable partners with their consent.

This was done under proper legal procedures because they had reached marriage age and had nowhere to go. children’s home sources said. Divisional level committees are already in operation to monitor the administrative functions and childcare in the children’s homes and the provincial administration is to appoint also village level committees for similar functions, Commissioner Uma said.

The UNICEF and INGOs such as the Save The Children are also providing services which include awareness programs, she said. She and the officers of her department undertake periodical visits to the children’s homes.

Although their responsibility is only in respect of children below 18 they, in an effort not to abandon the children above that age, undertake measures to provide them assistance for higher education, employment opportunities, vocational training and social integration, she said. Adoptions of children have to go through the usual judicial procedures and determined on ascertaining the antecedents of the families concerned and their financial status, she said.

Regulations will also be formulated to give girls of marriageable age in marriage through proper legal procedures, she said. Periodical visits by medical officers to the homes and counselling to the children where necessary are also part of the program of the Department, she said.

The purported recent abduction of 16 girls from a children’s home in Kaithady, Jaffna and their alleged sexual abuse which received much publicity was proved in court as baseless and false. The children fled the home due to disagreement with the administration and, with court orders, they have been admitted to another children’s home, she said.